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Jane Addams and Ida B. Wells 

Edited, and with an Introduction, by 

Bettina Aptheker 
University of California, Santa Cruz 


Occasional Paper No. 25 (1977) 
Fourth Printing (1982) 

(ISBN 0-3^77-023-1) 

Revised and with additional bibliography (1982) 

The American Institute for Marxist Studies (AIMS) 
is an educational, research and bibliographical institute. 
Its purposes are to encourage Marxist and radical scholar- 
ship in the United States and to help bring Marxist thought 
into the forum of reasonable debate; to produce dialogue 
among Marxist and non-Marxist scholars and writers. Its 
policy is to avoid sectarian and dogmatic thinking. It 
engages in no political activity and takes no stand on 
political questions. 

To these ends it invites the support and participation 
of all scholars and public-spirited individuals. 


20 E. 30th St, 480 N. First St. 

New York, N.Y. 10016 San Jose, CA 95112 

Copyright 1977, and 1982. 


All Rights Reserved 

(ISBN 0-89977-023-1) 


Author's note I 

Introduction 1 

Respect for Law by Jane Addams ... .25 

Lynching and the Excuse for It 

by Ida B. Wells-Barnett 30 

Reference Notes 36 

A Brief Bibliography of the Published 
Writings of Jane Addams and 
Ida B. Wells-Barnett 42-43 

Rape, and the Racist Use of the 
Rape Charge, A Selected 
Bibliography of Recent Materials, .44-46 

Author's Note 

When I originally prepared the introduction and texts 
for this Occasional Paper, I was just becoming aware of the 
women's movement in the United States. There were many reasons 
for my late arrival and apologies are neither useful nor 
instructive. We come when we do. In any event, in 1976 I had 
only a limited acquaintance with the literature in the women's 
movement, and virtually no consciousness of feminist modes of 
analysis and interpretation. My awareness has grown, and as 
a result I have found myself increasingly distressed with both 
the tone and content of, especially, the concluding section 
of my original essay which introduced this exchange between Ida 
B. Wells and Jane Addams on the subject of lynching and rape. 

Wishing to remedy this distress, I have elected to re-write 
the concluding section of my essay; and, add to this Paper a 
selected bibliography of current materials on the subject of 
rape, and the racist use of the rape charge. Second, I would 
like to call attention to the excellent discussion of Jane 
Addams' lifework, and to the process of thinking about her, 
which is represented by the article by the historian, Blanche 
Wiesen Cook, "Female Support Networks and Political Activism: 
Lillian Wald, Crystal Eastman, Emma Goldman, Jane Addams." 
This article appeared in Chrysalis (No. 3,' Autumn, 1977), and it 
is also available in a pamphlet published by Out and Out Books 
(476 Second Street, Brooklyn, New York 11215) in 1979. 


Ida B. Wells, militant journalist and anti-lynching 
crusader, regarded Jane Addams "as the greatest woman in 
the United States." The estimate, made in Wells' auto- 
biography in 1931, is very much warranted. 

Jane Addams (1860-1935) is best known for her work 
in the Settlement House movement in the United States, and 
as the founder of Hull House in Chicago. But Addams was 
infinitely more than a social worker in the conventional 
sense of that word. She was a social activist, an accomplished 
organizer, suffragist and civil rights advocate, a courageous 
opponent of the First World War, and founding president of 
the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. She 

was also a "theorist and intellectual — a thinker of orig- 

inality and daring," as Christopher Lasch has suggested. 

The ideas which animated Addams 1 life and work at Hull 

House were formulated in several early essays focused on 

what she termed the "subjective" and "objective" necessity for 

social settlements. By 1902 her ideas were sufficiently 

coalesced to result in a book-length exposition of settlement 

work, Democracy and Social Ethic s, This was the first of more 

than a half dozen books she was to write in the course of 

her forty-year career as social critic and reformer. 

Inspired by the works of John Dewey and William James, 

Addams maintained that the Settlenant House was not exclusively, 

or even primarily, an economic welfare institution. Vor 


Addams, the Settlement House was the instrument through 
which to realize the egalitarian ethic of an authentic democracy 
To be sure, the Settlement House clothed and fed the im- 
poverished, helped the jobless to find work, fought for 
protective safety and health legislation for workers and 
opposed child labor. Above all else, however, it was to 
provide a cultural, literary and artistic oasis for the slum 

Arising literally out of the ashes and smut of a rapidly 
expanding and viciously competitive industrial capitalism, 
Addams believed that the Settlement made "its appeal upon the 
assumption that the industrial problem is a social one," 4 
and that "identification with the common lot, which is the 
essential idea of Democracy becomes the source and expression 
of social ethics." 5 

In an era when bourgeois theorists like Herbert Spencer 
and William Graham Sumner popularized the ideas of Social 
Darwinism, extolled the virtues of capitalism and maintained 
that social classes owed each ether precisely nothing, Addams' 
ideas were refreshingly enli^-itenrd. "Hull Hous-," she wrote, 
"endeavors to -.nake\ social intercourse express the growing 
sense of the economic unity o ; society. I?- Is ,v.. .-'fort to 
add the social function to democracy. it opened en the 
Lheory that dependence of classes on e-ch ^l'^v ' £ - ..xc^-ocal. . * ,r 

The heart of .vddams* tb-cry lay in he- joncluv'-n rhat 
in cutting itself off from the ;-ro] . ./he \ -, r -e oisie 

impoverished itself. Identification with the ethics of 
the poor, she argued, was culturally and morally uplifting. 
With an acumen reminiscent of Marx, Addams maintained that 
labor was an essential human function. Isolated from the 
practical sphere of the production process, the bourgeoisie 
was necessarily deprived of indispensable cultural and 
intellectual qualities. This deprivation was especially acute 
for women of the upper classes, Addams suggested, whose 
confinement to the home in isolated splendor was not only 
assumed, but deemed to be the only virtuous activity for any 
self-respecting female. These conclusions formed the 
theoretical basis for the "subjective necessity" of 
philanthropic activity. 

The "objective value" lay in achieving the democratic 
ideal in political, social, economic and cultural reality. 
The predicament of the poor was through no fault of their own. 
The problem derived from inequities in the social system 
itself. These inequities could be overcame if socist" 
assumed responsibility for them, and encouraged the Set clement 
House solution. 

Manifesting appreciation for the elhicr. and vjlu^:. of 
the working class, and a deep respect for tie T *.:_v of the 
workers, Addam s ne ve r t he 1 e s s belie ved i n t h e cap i z ,■ ' L : . _■ \ 
system — albeit reformed and infused ui.ti t'-.a der..- i -tic 
spirit. S he was n ■■;. ': . a nd nev n r b c , ime , a ■ ■ ■" - c : a 1 i :.= . . 


Jane Addams was active in the Progressive Party, She 
played a significant role in its 1912 National Convention, 
creating a sensation as the first woman to deliver a second- 
ing speech for the nomination of a major presidential 
candidate. She endorsed Theodore Roosevelt. "The speech 
was the entrance of women in national politics in a new 
sense, " one contemporary observed. Addams' appearance gave 
a tremendous boost to the woman suffrage cause. 

The 1912 Convention of the Progressive Party also 
occasioned a debate on the role of the Black electorate in 
national politics which ended on a less than triumphant note. 
Addams' role in this controversy reveals both her strengths 
and weaknesses as a reformer and practical politician. 

Black r.ien were part of integrated delegations to the 
Progressive Party Convention from only Rhode Inland, West 
Virginia, Maryland, Tennessee and Kentucky. Two ue legations 
vied for accreditation from Mississippi — or:-- ''laj'k md one 
wh i t e . Ad da:n ■: - cugh t an a 1 1 - n 1 gh t ba 1 1 1 c in t h r Z :^.v : ? t i c p ' s 
resolutions corn;?!, ".tee to scat. che Black ^-.!.ssi?£ '«;o : ?nr- . 
'J 1 1 ima t e 1 y . h ow- ve r , the wh i c e d r 1 ega t i on wa s s ,z> a i. .: :! . A d dam s 
acauiesced \w t!': • removal of the Black de" 1 ocaUm. *rd was 
to campaign vlgc ously for the Progressive Tarty c-\ u f-^rm. She- 
rationalized uh." 'onvention's action a few months later in an 
..rfcicle i^ the Cr isis . It was, she said, a jood .rm-oi for 
bringing the *' *"0£ c c e & i v«i Pa r ? . y L n t " v t ' i e 3 o u i; h • i .-« t .-. * c : ^ o ;- .:. 1 1 •? 


party to the Democrats who controlled it, "without the 

bitterness and old hatred evoked by the Republicans." 

The incident at the Progressive Party convention is 

illustrative of Jane Addams ' attitudes on the race question. 

She was on the one hand a staunch advocate of civil rights. 

On the other hand, she was given to compromise, and chauvinist 

assumptions are present in her writing. Still, her pro- 
civil rights activities were conspicuous. 

Addams was supportive of the club work among Black women. 
She maintained a working relationship with Ida B, Wells in 
Chicago, where both resided, and cordial relations with Mary 
Church Terrell, Josephine St. Pierre Ruff in, Mary R. Talbert 
and others prominent in the leadership of the National 
Association of Colored Women (NACW). Addams' work inspired 
Settlement House efforts among Black women, such as the "White 
Rose Home for Colored Working Girls" on East 86th Street in 
New York City, run by the famed Black author, Victoria Earle 


When the NACW met in convention at Quinn Chapel in 
Chicago in 1899, Jane Addams extended a lunchoon invitation 
to the officers of the colored women's club. The Chicago-Times- 
Herald reported the details: 

The color line was given another good rub 
yesterda'y by Miss Jane Addams of Hull House, who 
entertained at luncheon a party of colored women 
.... They were shown all about the residence, 
evincing great interest in every department. "We 
were impressed," said one resident later in the 
afternoon, "with the intelligence of these colored 
women. They inspected the settlement understand- 
ingly and poured in upon us as many interested 
questions as we could answer." This is the first 
time the colored women have been given recognition 
in a social way by a woman of lighter skin. 


A year later Ida Wells sought Addams ' assistance in 
putting an end to a series of articles in the Ch icago-Tribune 
advocating a segregated public school system in the city. At 
Wells' request, Addams convened a meeting of "representative 
men and women of the white race" at Hull House, including a 
progressive-minded member of the board of education. Wells 
"stated the case plainly, and told how separate schools always 
meant inferior schools for Negro children while at the same 
time making a double tax burden." 

.. Following this gathering at Hull House, Jane Addams 

headed a delegation of white citizens to see the editors of 

... . . , 

t ^ e Tribune . The series of articles ceased, "and from that 
day until this," Wells reported, "there has been ro further effort 
made by the Chi cago-Tribune to separate the schoo! children on 
the basis of race." 

Addams was an early supporter of W.E.R. Du *c.i3. It is 
probable she attended the Atlanta university Coriereuce on 
the Negro Church in May, 1903, which ho organizer". It is 
likely that the publication ot Addams' Hull Hous e Pa pers and 
Maps in 1895 influenced Du Bcis in the preparation of :iis 
study of The Philadelphia Ne gro, the following year. \duams 
invited Du Bcis to speak at Hull House in February, 1907, on 

♦ 1 o 

the occasionof Lincoln's birthday. 

In February, 1908, on the centenary of Lincoln's birth, 
Jane Addams and Ida B. Wells together organized a mass meeting 
at Orchestra Hall in Chicago, with Dr.. Du Bois as the featured 
speaker. The celebration also occasioned a call to action 


against lynching, peonage, convict-lease systems, disenfranchise- 

nient and segregation. A year later Wells and Addams were 

among the forty signers of the call to found- the NAACP, and 

Addams was among the United States representatives signing the 

call in support of the First Universal Races Congress held in 

London in 1911 . 

In 1913 Oswald Garrison Villard, acting in behalf of 

the National Board of the NAACP, proposed that Jane Addams be 

one of fifteen people selected to serve on a National Race 

Commission to be appointed by the- President of the United States. 

A.fter a long struggle, Woodrow Wilson refused to appoint .such 

a Commission, preferring instead to introduce segregation of 

federal employees in government offices for the first time 

in U.S. history. Indeed, in the context of American 

politics at the turn of the century and after, Addams' affirmative 

actions on civil rights were courageous, even radical. 

In the post-Reconstruction era (1880-1920) Black people 
in the Southern states were systematically stripped of their 
civil and political rights. Segregation was institutionalized. 
Lynchings were common. The ghettoization of Northern cities 
was enforced. White hoodlums invaded Black communities at will 
from Atlanta (1906) to East St. Louis (1917) to Chicago (1919), 
killing and wounding thousands of men, women and children. 

Basic to this racist offensive was the determination 
of Southern land-holders, many of them former slave-owners, and 
certain sections of Northern industry and finance, to control 

the political economy of the South, and significant portions 
of the North and West. The de facto nullification of the 
fourteenth and fifteenth amendments — the so-called Civil 
War amendments providing for Black citizenship and male 
suffrage — was to secure the uncontested authority -of these 
ruling classes. This effort coincided with and stimulated the 
growth of monopoly capitalism in the .United States. , 

The lynching of Black men and women was one of the 
extra-legal terrorist devices used to secure and maintain 
ruling class hegemony. The .'traditional definition of a • 
lynching is a murder committed by a mob of three or more persons 
There are no accurate figures as to the number of lynch . 
victims in the United States. The estimates vary. 

James Elbert Cutler, in his early study of Lync h Law , 

reported that three thousand three hundred and thirty-seven 

l 7 
human beings were lynched between 1882 and 1903. ' According 

to a later study by the NAACP. and based upon only chose 

killings acknowledged by white officials, four thousand nine 

hundred and fifty-one persons were lynched between 1382 and 

1927, of whom approximately thirty-five hundred w^re iUack, and 

fourteen hundred were white. Ninety-two were women. Of the 

ninety- two women, seventy- six were Black, and sixteen were 

-j Q 

white. Ida B. Wells estimated the number of v'c.;ims 


as hi<»h as ten thousand before the turn of the century. 4 " 

Lynchings were savage affairs. Hundreds if nou (Thousands 
o f whi t e people pa r t i c i pa t ed in the torture a ad k 1 11 i. ng o f 


one or two individuals. Mary Church Terrell, founding 
President of the National Association of Colored Women, 
described lynching "as the aftermath of slavery ', . . . It 
is impossible, " she wrote, "to comprehend the cause of the 
ferocity and barbarity which attend the average iynching-bee 

without taking into account the brutalizing effect of slavery 

upon the white people of the South." 

It was in January, 1901, in the midst of this lynching 

craze, that Jane Addams published her article, "Respect for 

Law," in the influential weekly magazine, The Independent . 

In this condemnation of lynching, Addams revealed an extra- 
ordinary class understanding of the relationship between crime 
and punishment. That is, it was precisely the crimes of the 
poor, Addams suggested, especially property crimes committed 
by so-called "lower" and "inferior" classes against the rich, 
that provoked the most savage punishment. Then, linking class 
and race, Addams observed: 

Punishments of this sort rise to unspeakable 
atrocities when the crimes of the so-csl\ed inferior 
class effect the property and persons of tl'e 
superior; and when the situation is co-o..* Heated 
by race animosity, as it is at present ui the South, 
by the feeling of the former slave owner .c his 
former slave, ^whom he is now bidden to regard as 
his fellow citizen, we have the worst possible 2 2 
situation for attempting this method of punishment. 

Having penetrated the racist core of the lynching mentality - 

namely, the link between class exploitation and racial oppression 

Addams reverted lo a moralistic, intensely naive and chauvinist 

method of argur """.-. 

Accepting the theory then rampant in society of Negro 
"underdevelopment," which accounted for the allegedly primi- 
tive cultural norms and criminal tendencies among the 
Negro people, Addams argued that "brutality beget brutality." 
Lynching should stop, she said, because: "The child who 
is managed by a system of bullying and terrorizing is 
almost sure to be the vicious and stupid child." Lynching 
will not prevent Negro crime; and it will tend toward the 
moral degradation of the lynchers. 

The most damaging aspect of Addams' argument, however, 
was her decision to give the benefit of doubt to the South, 
as she put it, and "assume that they have set aside crinl 
by jury and all processes of law because they have become 
convinced that this brutal method of theirs is the most 

efficient .... in dealing with a peculiar class of crime 

o / 
committed by one race against another;" namely, .ape. " 

Addams then maintained that a woman's virtue could not 

and should not be protected by a method which assumed 

her status as property. Again, she offered art .-rvsiv.lly 

perceptive view: 

To these who say that most of :;he<?™ r ideous 
and terrorizing acts (of lynching] have beet; - ' re- 
mitted in che name of chivalry, in order Lr- :n;;Lo 
the lives and honor of women safe, perhapr. Lt_ ' <, women 
themselves .vho can best reply that oloodsh.'d pr* f \ arson 
and ungoverned rage have never yet conc.rr--n.t-d :---c. . - 
Th e worn 3 n * ho :. 1- pro t e c t e d by v ' o 1 .: uc o a ' 1 ov. < h *. : •$ c 1 f 
to be pr o t e c t c d as :. h e w ma n of '; he s :. v a 1 4 o 1 r , o .; \ c e c t e d . 
and she must still be regarded as che possession of man.^ 3 

Arguing against lynching, yet accepting its basic and 
inflammatory rationale, Addams' appeal was severely weakened. 
She comprehended the symbolic relationship between the alleged 
property crimes of the so-called "lower classes ," and the. 
woman-as-property psychosis. Yet she failed to appreciate 
the dialectics of a racial and sexual oppression with common 
roots in the ownership of private property which sanctified 
the lynching of the former slave by maintaining the woman's 
status as a male possession. Furthermore, to concede that 
rape was the cause of lynching made effective opposition to 
it impossible because it concealed the real class origins 

of the racist assaults. 

Ida B. Wells focused on the rape issue in her reply to 
Jane Addams, which was published in the Ind ependen t four 
months later. Wells was then chairman of the Anti-Lynching 
Bureau of the National Afro- American Council. The Council, 
founded in 1887 by T. Thomas Fortune, editor of the most 
influential Black newspaper of its time, the ^YoAJge, 
was the first national civii rights organization in the post- 
Civil War era. 

Wells' article was entitled, "Lynching and the Excuse 
For It." She countered Jane Addams' error with I netful vigor. 
"Appreciating the helpful influences," of Addams' anpcuL, 
Wells said, it was nevertheless incumbent upon her to challenge 


the "unfortunate presumption used as a basts for her argu- 
ment .... It is unspeakably infamous," Wells continued, 
"to. put thousands of people to death without a trial by jury; 
it adds to that infamy to charge that these victims .were moral 

monsters, when, in fact, four-fifths of them were not so 

9 ft 
accused even by the fiends who murdered them." 

With devastating accuracy Wells reproduced the statistics 
on lynching compiled by so respectable a source as the Chicago 
Tribune . According to those figures, Wells showed, five 
hundred and four Black citizens had been lynched between 
1896 and 1900, of whom only ninety-six had even been accused 
of rape. 

"No good can come from any investigation i^hich refuses 
to consider the facts," Wells concluded. "The lynching record, 
as it is compiled from day to day by unbiased, reliable and 
responsible public journals, should be the basis of every 
investigation which seeks to discover the cause and suggest 
the remedy for lynching." 

The fact that Wells' reply is brief should not believe 
its significance. That she chose to limit her rejoinder co 
the rape issue suggests how decisive a question -hi t: was in 
the struggle for civil rights, indeed, Wells' own experi- 
ences confirm the point. 

The crucial event in the career ol Ida B. Weils (1364-1931) 
was the lynching of three Black men in Memphis, Tennessee on 
March 9, 189?.. Wells knew all. ot the victim:*. A series of 


racist provocations oy white businessmen in Memphis, trying to 

force the Black proprietors of a local grocery store out-of~ 

business, had finally culminated in the triple slaying. 

At the time of the lynching, Wells owned the only Black 

newspaper in town, the Memphis Free Speech . In the weeks 
following the lynching she wrote successive editorials demand- 
ing that the murderers be arrested and tried. When the white- 
owned newspapers responded by alleging that Black men were 
lynched because they raped white women, Ida B. Wells replied 
with an editorial that almost cost her her life: 

Nobody in this section of the country believes 
the old thread bare lie that Negro men rape white 
women. If the Southern white men are not careful, they 
will over-reach themselves and public sentiment will 
have a reaction; a conclusion will then be reached 
which will be very damaging to the moral reputation 
of their women, 29 

Having intimated that white women could be sexually 
involved with Black men of their own accord, Ida Wells now 
faced the full fury of the white press, and the mob itself. 
Some of the more prominent white businessmen gathered at the 
Memphis Cotton Exchange Building six days later and openly 
discussed her lynching. Luckily, Wells was out-of-state 
attending a general conference of the African Methodist 
Church in Philadelphia. 

With her life so threatened, Wells dared not return to 
Memphis, The offices of the F ree Spe ech were sacked, creditors 
took possession of what was left, "and the Free Speech was as if 
ic had never been," Ida Wells wrote from Nrw Yo^k City five 
months later. 

- L-»- 

It was from New York that Weils launched what was to 
become an internacional crusade against Lynching, Wells' 
experience in Memphis had convinced her that lynching had nothing 
to do with so-called Negro crime. Wells determined to reveal 
the exact details of all lynchings which came to her attention. 
She believed that the concrete circumstances surrounding each 
case would show that the overwhelming majority of lynch victims 
were killed for economic and political reasons. She believed furthe 
that if the political causes of lynching could be demonstrated, 
political opposition could be generated. This, coupled with a 
moral appeal to Christian ethics, might succeed in .building an 
effective movement to halt the atrocities. 

Wells wrote scores of articles, and a half dozen pamphlets 
and books. Her writings shaped toe political contours of the 
anti-lynching effort, and significantly influenced the direction 
of the Black woman's club movement. She Insisted that the only 
possible challenge to lynchirj? vis one which di:- .^K.jed the 
Mack-man-as-rapist: syndrome, She ar&u^d furL-v: - ;_t»at some white 
women preferred the c jr. many oi lVL.ick men; and, th.-r Black women 
who we re systematically a nd ■■ - .• p e a t ed 1 y ravished '. > ■ w h l t ■ » m e n ne v ? r 
knew the he n e f i t* ? r-f :;. <; -cat 1 r .1 'Sou t h c r r i c h ' v 1 1 

This sexual abuse of V,.ic!-. women was a particularly grim 
d i me ns i on of the legacy of ji a v e r y . Tor L h e E l a c '.•: wot. t .i u h a d 
been the property of the mascot in the Uoubl « sense oi being bo*"h 
woman and slave. His sexua. 1 prerogative thus had a -dual nature-. 

The Black woman n-ad he en a sexual object for his ^.-nr sona! 

-i s- 

proclivities; and, a sexual object lor his economic necessities; 

that is, "to be the breeder of human cattle for the field or the 


Honed in the agony of this slave • experience and its aftermath, 
Black women clearly perceived the convergence of patriarchal and 
racist modes of oppression. Therefore, they saw the connection 
between the imagery of the Black woman as whore and the Black 
man as rapist, and placed themselves in the forefront of the 
struggle against lynching. It is from this perspective also, 
that we may conclude that the anti-lynching crusade of Black 
women was also a movement — a Black women's movement — against 
rape. It was forged with the materials, resources, consciousness 
and forms of argument and support which Black women had available 
to themselves at the turn of the century. 

In defending the integrity of Black manhood, the women were 

able to simultaneously affirm their own virtue. Of necessity, they 

also defended the independence and integrity of white womanhood. 

Thus, Ida Wells, and the Black women of the anti-lynching movement, 
made a basic challenge to both the racist ;:md patriarchal 
foundations of Southern society. Jane Ad. da ma would have joined 
them more effectively had her vision not :>eeu blu-red by 
chauvinist assumption. 

Jane Adda;.ib wis a courageous and far-sighted i-atier in the 
early twentieth century movements for social rerrrm. She is also 
an example of a woman whose activities were female-centered, and 
wh o was engageu .-.Ways a s a practical ;:-■» t ■ t i s a n in i. i ■ « -> i rugg 1 e 


for sexual, racial, and economic justice She possessed a most 

creative and daring intellect. Ida B. Wells was a central 

personage in the Black liberation movement in the first half 

of the twentieth century. She was the chief architect of the 

anti-lynching movement, and sustained an already established 

tradition of militant journalism in the Black community. John 

Hope Franklin summarized her life's work this way; 

Her zeal and energy were matched by her uncom- 
promising and unequivocal stand on every cause that 
she espoused. She did not hesitate to criticize 
southern whites even before she left the South, or 
northern liberals, or members of her own race when 
she was convinced that their positions were not in 
the best interests of all mankind. She did not 
hesitate to go to the scene of racial disturbances, 
including riots and lynchings, in order to get an 
accurate picture of what actually occurred. She 
did not hesitate to summon to the cause of human 
dignity anybody and everybody she believed could 
serve that cause. 34 

Despite forty-two years of continuous struggle, the anti- 
lynching movement in the United States r.evrr succeeded in 

winning passage of federal anti-lynching 1 enisle tic -i. "* It 

was not until passage of the Civil Rights Acts in the 1960 ! s 
that federal intervene ion in the matter of lynchi.-g vr:.s 
achieved, aod even then it was Indirect and under .•• constitu- 
tional authority to protect an individual's civil rights (which 
would certainly he denied in the event of an unlawfu 1 death). 
There has, however, never been a federal acknowledgement of 
the fact of lynching, and nn sanction against it ..s- :■ national 
crime. Moreover, the issue of and race still agitates the 
public mind, eaC :he racist use of the raoe charge j .r.tinucs to 


weave its historic pattern. Between 1930 and 1967, for example, 
four hundred and fifty- five men were executed in the United 
States for rape convictions. Four hundred and five of these men - 
that is 90% — were Black. 36 

Violence against women in the United States in the form of 
rape, incest, battery, pornography, forced sterilizations, 
illegalized abortions and outright murder, has been historically 
pervasive. But, until recent times the political nature of 
these forms of violence has been hidden from us. The growing 
militancy of women in naming this violence, in insisting upon 
its political character, and in refusing to counsel passivity 
and silence in the face of it, has brought the issue to the 
forefront of the women's movement. As the women's movement has 
confronted the politics of rape, it has of necessity also con- 
fronted the political implications of the institutionalized 
violence against Black women and men. The rape of Black women, 
by white men in the first place, and the racist use of the rape 
charge against Black men, have informed an essential part of the 
patriarchal web. White men have exercised great power and 
privilege in their regard; and, insofar as white women have 
identified their interests with those of the men to whoir. they 
were attached as daughters and wives, they toe have had access to 
a derived power and privilege which remained, of course, unavail- 
able to their sisters of color. 

The political character of racist vLolji.ce has always been 
widely acknowledged. However, according the violence against 
women a political status invites analysir of the connections 

between racial and sexual oppression on a still largely unexplored 
terrain. That white women engaging this labyrinth for the first 
time have been prone to chauvinist errors is not surprising 
given the social conditions from which we come. But errors also 
illuminate, and are one of the ways in which better solutions 
are ultimately found. And, it cakes courage to write where 
there are no maps. The experience with Susan Brownmiller r s book 
on the history of rape, published in 1976, is a case in point. 

When I first read Brownmiller ' s book — Ag ainst Our Will — 
one scene played itself ouc over and over again in my mind. 
Brownmiller described her experience in going to the Schomburg 
Center for Research in Black Culture, housed at 135th Street in 
Harlem, and part of the New York City Public Library. The Center 
contains the largest collection of material on Af re-American 
history, literature and art in the United States. She asked the 
librarian for any material he might have on rape. The man 
returned with several boxes and folders on lynching. No, 
Brownmiller said, she wanted material on rap^. Lynching, the 
librarian said, contained the material she wanted. They went 
round and round like that, Brownmiller reported. She looked at 
the material on lyncning, but did not find *mat she was looking 
for, which was information on the rape of Black women. 

The scene stayed with me because it ^o well \i lumina Les the 
problems of category, experience and perspective which has 
affected the women's movement a * « wb o i.e. For t h e ' i b r; , r i a n a t 
the Schomburg, the word r~>pe imrreo lately and appropriately 
conjured the spectre o c lynching. For the your.-? woman a no h<.d 

been repeatedly propositioned and harassed in the streets and 
offices of New York City, the word conjured centuries of violence 
against women. The librarian and Susan Browtrmiller stood apart, 
separated in the first place, by the chasm of history. 

Susan Brownmiller ' s work, so far as 1 know, was the first 
.book-length study of rape which attempted a history with women's 
experience at the center of its interpretive process. This 
represented an enormous breakthrough for us, in our capacity to 
accord the rape issue a political status because of its connection 
to women's oppression. That is, the political status of rape 
had been previously established pi*imarily insofar as it was 
connected to racist oppression — of Black women under slavery, 
and of Black men in the aftermath of slavery. Nov;. ir. addition, 
the political significance of its connection to pit" i'.z rchal modes 
of oppression against women was acknowledged and e:--plo-red. This 
also deepened our thinking about the special oppression of Black 
women, for tae Schomburg library was not unique in i^b subject 
cataloging. Until very recently no libraries in this country 
had a catalog entry {i.e. a category of investigation; under the 
subject heading of rape. 

The chauvirist lines of argument in Erov*nmilli i " l- r_-ok, 
especially in he.; analysis of interracial rapes, jrd of the 
Bmme 1 1 Till 1 ync I ii ng in Mississippi, in 1 9 5 *. ha ve h. i n we l 1 - v. ocumen t e 
Tha t Brownmi Her w rote in t h \ s wa y illustrates a oe" p*' r cha uv i n i sm 
.(Hiong us as whire women; namelv. the faiiur/ to f: 1 that the 
'•Jack woman ' s ev '- ■;■• r -.. trie v i s a i e qua 1 J. y v i a bi r; c e : j i. - r : i. -:.n: w • *.\ ■: h 
;..'" interpret the- .•.?•> U. All - vJcnce wn hav :i~r' . '"» jc-.Ij ivms 

1 1 

that the overwhelming majority — some 90 percent — of rapes 
committed in the United States are intra -racial. Moreover, when 
rape is interracial Black, women are most often the victims. 

Conventional history puts 'white men' at the center of its 
categories, and they are of the upper classes. Radical history 
may be interracial, but it is also male-centered. Insofar 
as women 1 s history replicates a racial pattern which excludes 
or limits the interpretive centrality of the Black women's 
experience, it is frequently absorbed back into the male 
center it was trying to escape. That Brownmiller and other 
white women in the women's movement, including myself have 
done this does not diminish the reality of our oppression 
as women or the violence against us. it does mean that . politics 
as we have known them, has not yet afforded vofnci! ; J". L.?~k or white, 
with a workable v *y to deal with these issues. 

Indeed, Blac . vomer?, ofcr.i experiercing this rouble inter- 
pretive exclusion ■■- from wt-Tm'" hist v.. y b.rcausi L:.e/ are 
Black, and from Tl^ck 'listo-y because i'~ey i re- v..:> -\ •- ha-.'c 
attempted to deal with the riu,c/race col. lis : on in th ur own 
lives. They have experienc<-o ..he tensions of uncertainty with 
which we have rll grappled, "'he work of the poets and play- 
wrights — like Ntozake Sha.,^c, June Jordan, Sonia Sanchez, 
Alice Childress, Audre Lorde> Alice Walker — come pai licularly 

~t mi nd . Ap r cpo s o '•. our wo r k here is a shore s t o ry ■ t ■ A lice Wa 1 ■• 
titled "Advancing Luna — and Ida B. Weals," because Lt address.-:, 
the issue at i t ■= ->- a c 1 a 1 no x.u s . 

Alice V.'alkrr r : s .- v. Cit.T^L't in the summer ^.-f "■■'. t *; do voter 
registration work. Arrung h?.r co-worker 3 wa-- yo: t > t,.hite >, 


also a student from a Northern college, named Luna, The two 
women worked hard together in the struggle, liked each other 
a lot, and became devoted friends* A year later, when both 
were back in New York City and Alice Walker was low on funds, 
Luna invited her to share an apartment* Luna lived with few 
trimmings, but her father was well-enough off and when times were 
hard he could be counted on for economic relief.. Alice Walker hac 
no such material privileges. But, Walker writes, "over a period 
of weeks, our relationship, always marked by mutual respect, 
evolved into a warm and comfortable friendship." 

It was while they were living together that Luna told 
Alice Walker that she had been raped during her summer in the 
South, Her assailant had also been a civil rights worker, and 
he was Black. Luna had never told anyone about the rape. She 
had said nothing while it was happening or immediately thereafter 
being well-aware of racist politics and lynchings in the South. 

In the pages which follow, Alice Walker struggles with 
Luna's revelation — in grief, in rage (at Luna for burdening 
her with it) and finally, really, I think, in despair. The 
friendship dims. As it does, an J as the two women grow apart, 
Walker also establishes an emotional distance from i* - a. id from 
Luna which, from a c-jrtain point of view, prevents this story 
from 'working' in a literary sense. In fact, Walker doesn't 
know how to end the story and offers several posribia alter- 
natives. And, it was here, in this process of riding multiple 
i nd i ng s that the politic:;! i s (- u c s we r e ■■- e :i 1 1 y .* t •■ r ■ ■' ' e ■ : to ;* ■ :;e . 

Wa Ike r beliefs that Luna V3 s r a ped - W ; k ■ ■ r - ' * * 1 L k-.-d r h c 
ma n who raped L ana because she horse 1 1 ha* I ? x o : in t l- r <j d a i s 

chauvinism Cowards women. Walker also knows that Luna needs 
.-ome way to pro this expo. \:.e; ce, to re -empower herself, 
to heal, but she can find no way to simultaneously advance 
Luna and Ida B. Wells (as Walker puts it). 

Alice Walker is right, I think, in finally concluding 
that she had no solution, at least in terms of . the issues 
as we have understood them. That is, Walker correctly 
perceived herself as having to choose between her friendship 
with Luna and her commitment to protect Black men, in general, 
from racist persecutions. Framed in this way> as a matter of 
choosing between being Black and being a woman there was no way 
to claim a priority. Her silence in relation to Luna gave 
priority to Black men by defaul-r. But, in breaking silence and 
writing the story Walker also clarified the patriarchal character 
of a politic which forces such a choice upon women, Black and 
white. For it is a politic which always subordinates the 
violence against women to a non -political and therefore less 
important status, than the violence against men. 

We need a mo vomim t wh i c h up equivocally - on< 1 e i.i-.i •• r a : i s t 
violence, incl lining the- raoi :i -:se. of the rap- -:.hyr?^. We 
need a movam::iu vhicn re Cusps :o tolerate any f^-rv: of violence 
'i ga i n s t wome n . Th i s ' nus t inc. 1 u c 1 ■- "pers on a 1 " ^ i o 1 a t ■ . o i s i n 
jjr i v a t e s pa c e s -vh i c a rn-i y ■_ Oi .c. c a 1 '.heir c t h o : w 1 s c i «: p* ; r *: n c 
political character. We also need a movement which apposes the 
* p e c l a 1 1 o v m s Oi v i n lance a ;i n 1 n s t v v o me n c f c <~. i o r ' v h o e y peri c nc e 
■■ \a double jaor.arjy ot both racist and pain i. are p:$1 •s.-a-irs i.n 
c otn b i na t i on w i I V> r a a ,-, no 1 a e v . S c ch a mo v* : m e a f ' * ■ ".' . »' :-. e ■ „ 1 ' such 


violence as equally atrocious, politically connected acts of 
terror. And siich a politic would not assume a hierarchy of 
oppressions in which violence against men is made to be 'more 
important* or 'more central' than the violence against women. 
Such a politic would also' not assume a hierarchy which reverses 
the order of oppressions and makes violence against women more 
central or more important. The only way to establish such a 
movement is to act consistently from this principle of equality — 
now. It will mean that women will most often take the initiative 
because only a politic which assumes the collective empowerment 
of all women as independent, autonomous and self-defined human 
beings makes such a movement possible. 

While historical patterns, such as the connection between 
rape and the racist use of the rape charge re-emerge, the social 
conditions in which they play themselves out change. The 
position of women in society, and our claim to equality, have 
been qualitatively transformed in the eighty years since Ida B. Well: 
and Jane Addams exchanged these views on lynching and rape . The 
relevance of their exchange today, is for us to see the limits 
and the horizon of their experience, and to work diligently toward 
an horizon in which the empowerment of women is made *\ reality. 

•k -k ■& A* 

The articles by Jane Addams and Ida L. Wells are reprinted 
here for Che first time. None of the editors compiling anthologies 
oi. Addams' work thought her essay en lynching signi lizt v.\ enough 
to warrant inclusion, and only une of he< biographers treated 

her anti-lynching activities Ln any depth. In 1969, Arno Press 
and the New York Times reprinted three of Wells' essays on 
lynching, but her reply to Addams, which is relatively brief 
and specific, was not included. 

-9 «w 


by Jane Addams 
(from The Independent, January 3, 1901) 


Each nation, and each section of a nation so large as 
ours, has it^ own problems and difficulties many of them 
so subtle and intricate that it is almost impossible for an 
outsider to judge of them fairly. It is, moreover, the 
essence of self-government that it shall be local in admini- 
stration, in order that special difficulties shall be met 
by the people who live among them, and who thus understand 
them better than an outsider possibly could. 

We are obliged to remember all this when we speak of 
the problems which face the present generation of Southern 
men. Added to all the difficulties of reconstruction and 
the restoration of a country devastated by war, they must 
deal with that most intricate of all problems - the presence 
of two alien races. Admitting all this, and making due 
allowances for differences of standpoint, it still remains 
true that certain well established principles underlie all 
self-government and that to persistently disregard these 
principles is to endanger self-government itself. When 
this disregard constantly occurs any section of a self- 
governing country has a right to enter its protest against 
any other section, just as the civilized nations interfere 
with any one nation whose public acts threw back the whole 
of civilized progress. 

Before entering '_his protest, however, in regard to the 
increasing number of negro lynchings occurring in the South, 
we must remember that many of the most atrocious public acts 
recorded in history have been committed by men ..ho had con- 
vinced themselves that they weru doing right. Thcv either 
proceeded upon a false tl,oor\ of conduct, or - what is much 
worse - they later invented a ihvory o\ conduct co cover 
and support their deeds . 

One of these time -honored false tneories has been that 
criminality can be suppressed and terrorized by exhibitions 
of brutal punishment; that crime can be prevented by cruelty. 

Let us then assume that the Southern citizens who take 
part in and abet the 1 yncninj.; of negroes honestly believe 
that that is the onl y success fu 1 method of d v. \ 1 i r- ;: w i th a 
certain class of crimes; tnat they have become convinced 
that the Southern negro in his present undeveloped state 
must be frightened and subdued by terror; that, acting upon 
this theory, they give each lynching full publicity and often 
gather together numerous spectators. We know that at least 
on one occasion excursion trains carried thousands of people 
to view a carefully planned lvnchfng, in order that as many 
people as possible might be thoroughly frightened by the 
spectacle, and terrorized from committing the same crime. 
On this same assumption the living victim is sometimes iiorr: oly 
mutilated and his body later exhibited. 


Let us give the Southern citizens the full benefit of 
this position, and assume that they have set. aside trial by 
jury and all processes of law because they have become con- 
vinced that this brutal method of theirs is the most efficient 
method in dealing with a peculiar case of crime ;ommitted 
by one race against another. 

A most superficial study of history will discover that 

the method of deterring crime by horrible punishment has been 
tried many times and that it particularly distinguishes the 
dealing with those crimes which a so-called lower class has 
committed against its superior. 

It betrays the existence of the essentially aristoci'atic 

attitude, founded upon a contempt for the inferior class - a 
belief that they cannot be appealed to by reason and fair 
dealing, but must be treated upon the animal plane, bullied 
and terrorized. 

This attitude is particularly discernible when the lower 
class evinces a tendency toward democratic development, toward 
asserting their human claim as such, when they assert their 
rights rather than ask for privileges. 

We recall that the years preceding the French Revolution 
were the years in which the most revolting public executions 
were common in all parts of Paris. Fifty spots are still 
pointed out as the scenes of horrible public exposures. A 
man would be taken to one place, where his hand would be 
chopped off, then carried on a cart to another where he would 
be broken alive on a wheel; and at still another his body 
would be burned, and his ashes scattered to the winds. So 
late as 1780 a workingman for stealing some linen was con- 
demned to be hung on a gibbet and strangled by the public 
executioner; certainly not because of the value of the linen, 
but because he had dared to touch the property of the class 
above his own. He must be made an example of, his temerity 
must be well punished and a repetition prevented among his 
fellows. And who was responsible for this torture, strangling 
and burning? The old nobility and monarchists . who honestly 
believed that this method of terrorizing war the only possible 
way to control the common peopl e , who were .so far inferior to 
themselves that they could not be appealed to by human methods. 

it is thus ti"u.» people were prepared for the guillotine, and 
it was only because they were hardened by such, scenes as these 
that they would have endured thi sights of the Revolution. 

The English records of crime were never s:> f ul. i ai when 
•:he penalties were most severe; when poaching - chat arch 
crime against the upper classes - ".'as punished by death; 


when the grinning skulls of thieves were exposed upon J ondon 
Bridge; when, in short, the nobility made and Mxeeuc-U the 
laws for the populace whose uprisings they feared. 

It was because the gentle folk heard the rumblings of 
the Chartist movement that they were thus incensed and they 
went so far that they even succeeded in stirring up the law 
abiding country Englishman so that he went to burning hay 
ricks and attacking the houses of the country gentry in his 
desire to get even with the atrocities committed against him. 

Punishments of this sort rise to unspeakable atrocities 
when the crimes of the so-called inferior class affect the 
property and persons of the superior; and when the situation 
is complicated by race animosity, as it is at present in the 
South, by the feeling of the former slave owner to his former 
slave, whom he is now bidden to regard as his fellow citizen, 
we have the worst possible situation for attempting this 
method of punishment. But, whether tried at its. best or worst, 
this method has always failed, and - more than that - has reacted 
to the moral degradation of all concerned. 

We would send this message to our fellow citizens of" the 
South who are once more trying to suppress vice by violence: 
That the bestial in man, that which leads him to pillage and 
rape, can never be controlled by public cruelty and dramatic 
punishment, which too often cover fury and revenge. That 
violence is the most ineffectual method of dealing with crime, 
the most preposterous attempt to inculcate lessons of self 
control. A community has a right to protect itself from the 
criminal, to restrain him, to segregate him from the rest of 
society. But when it attempts revenge, when it persuades 
itself that exhibitions of cruelty result in re^rm, it shows 
itself ignorant of all the teachings of history; it allows 
itself to be thrown back into the savage state of dealing 
with criminality. 

It further runs a certain risk of brutalizing each spec- 
tator, of shaking his belief in ' -i w a nd order, of s r. w 1 rig seed 
for future violence. It is certainly doi'btful v;h ?t'.y- these 
scenes could be enacted over und over atir-in, ^ave iii -> com- 
munity in which the hardening •' MTia ol' ^Iav--ry ha -J tree 1 eon 
seen, in which the devastation ox war h*?d caktin pV.ce; and 
>je may be reasonably cure that t!v; next generation rr i'h-. j 
South cannot escape the resuK of uhe lawlessness and violence 
which are now being indulged in. 

Brut a I i t y beg e i; s 1; rut a i 1 1 -,- , and p roc o -._ d i ne on i_ ; : - t\i < : o z v 
that the negro is undeveloped, and therefore must be treated 
in this pr i m i t i ve fas h i on , i » c c 'i ;> . -p,e i t ha t t h e \ mma t u - e pa y 
little attention to statements, but quickly • m'C;?t<? r\: 1. they 
tee. The undar-oe /eloped are never helped by sue r m'-.t ! \(.ds a:: 


these, for they learn only by imitation. The child who is 
managed by a system of bullying and terrorizing is almost sure 
to be the vicious and stupid child. 

And to those Southern citizens who claim that this method 
has been successful, that in certain localities a lynching has, 
in point of fact, been followed by a cessation of the crime of 
which the lynched man was guilty, we would quote the psycholo- 
gists who tells us that, under the influence of certain strong 
emotions, such as fear, certain elements of the self can be 
prevented from coming into action, "inhibited," as they 
technically call it; but that these elements are thus only 
stupefied, or drugged, and sootier or later assert themselves 
with all of their old power, if the fuller self be aroused. All 
such inhibitive measures must in the end be futile, and, altho 
they may for a fleeting moment appear successful, they are 
philosophically and historically unsound. 

To those who say that most of these hideous and terrorizing 
acts have been committed in the name of chivalry, in order to make 
the lives and honor of women safe, perhaps it is women themselves 
who can best reply that bloodshed and arson and ungoverned anger 
have never yet controlled lust. On the contrary, that lust has 
always been the handmaid of these, and is prone to be found 
where they exist; that the suppression of the bestial cannot be 
accomplished by the counter exhibition of the brutal only. 
Perhaps it is woman who can best testify that the honor of 
women is only secure in those nations and localities where 
law and order and justice prevail; that the sight of human blood 
and the burning of human flesh has historically o. en the signal 
£or lust; that an attempt to allay and control it by scenes such 
as those is as ignorant as it is futile and childisu. 

And if a woman might venture to add another vor* - ; on behalf 
of her sex, that the wonia n who is p r o t e c u e d by violence a 1 1 ows 
herself to be protected as rhe .vcman of the savago is, and she 
mus t still be r ^ga rded ■: s t h 3 po s s e s s i t.n ;: l r.i in . .- s h ■ rr 1 o rd 
and master L-. strong o r weak, b o i ••» the pi o r . ■:> c r i. c s u h J. c -.h s h e 
receives; that if she taker, hr-jio force •*.* her pro 1 ;* cr ion, she 
must also acc^ot the status s-'-:o held v;h _>n ■nv'ic'fa. - .• alone 

I have puroosely Ci.-jated cnis sui .ec~ gj: (he Lh-j^r} of 
its ablest defend iry; I hav-;. :..\i(.i nothi:? ot i V;e , -;,-.u v-i-jble 
chances of pun i r : r i : r, -; 1 1 \e wr o iv t \ ,\ ■„ ; ; o ' *: n o r,a t ; v ,.j < l = c ,- t ; ■ \ u 1 t a 
• 'f lawless metho(!s; I nave .«v^;a^d con-. »:-i .;.» : t,c r;:i : n ::»^ue. 



By Ida B. Wells-Bamett 

(from The Ind ep endent , May 16, 1901) 

T 1 

It was eminently befitting that THE INDEPENDENT'S first 
number in the new century she aid contain a strong protest 
against lynching. The deepest dyed infamy of the nineteenth 
century was that which, in its supreme contempt ;cr law, 
defied all constitutional guaranties of citizenship, and 
during the last fifteen year^ of the century put to death 
two thousand men, women and children, by shooting, hanging 
and burning alive. Well would it have been if every preacher 
in every pulpit in the land had made so earnest a plea as 
that which came from Miss Addums ' s forceful pen. 

Appreciating the helpful influences of such a dispassion- 
ate and logical argument as that made by the writer referred 
to, I earnestly desire to say nothing to lessen the force of 
the appeal. At the same time an unfortunate presumption 
used as a basis for her argument works so serious, tho doubt- 
less unintentional, an injury to the memory of thousands of 
victims of mob law, that it is only fair to call attention 
to this phase of the writer's plea. It is unspeakably infamous 
to put thousands of people to death without a trial by jury; 
it adds to that infamy to charge that these victims were moral 
monsters, when in fact, four-fifths of them were not so accused 
even by the fiends who murdered them. 

Almost at the beginning of her discussion, the distin- 
guished writer says: 

"Let us assume that the Southern citizens who 
take part in and abet the lynching of negroes honestly 
believe that that is the only successful method of 
dealing with a certain class of crime.'' 

It is this assumption, this absolutely unwarrantable 
assumption, chat vitiates every suggestion which it inspires 
Miss Addams to make. It is the same baseless assumption 
which influences ninety -nine out of eve^y one hundred persons 
who discuss this question. >. inong many trie us and editorial 
clippings I have received in the past five years, nine-vy-nine^ 
per cent discuss the question \ipon the preemption, that lynchings 
are the desperate effort of *:*c Southern people to reject their 
women from black mon s t -? r s , a n = 1 • .'h i 1 e the I a r g e m a j o v I ly c ond e mn 
lynching, the condemnation : > bumpered with a pica i.Oi tlu* 
lyncher - tiiat huh-an nature gWi-, rfay u-.der such .- :iw'i provocation 
and that the mob, insane for the moment. , must be pitied as well 
as c ond emne d . It is s t r a ngo ■: . * g L a i: in : : e 1 1 1 ge a i. , '- a . w- - s h i d ! . ng 
and fair minded people should :-o persist en" j.y shui eyes 
to the facts in the d i .» ■ - us s i o t . o 1 wha t i: r. e civil .i zoo wor 1 d now 
concedes i:o be America 's national crime. 

This almost universal tendency to accept a;;, tee che slander 
wh i ch the 1 ync hers o f. f <? r to c ; \- i. 1 '. ?.c, t i V : i .is '. n < • vj - ' i . < • '. c r t v. e i r 
crime might be explained if ehe true fact.* w?re t^ 
obtain. ' Bur. not tee slightest ni '■'£{ cult: v i r-x vrvenr-j . The 


Associated Press dispatches, the press clipping bureau, frequent 
book publications and the annual summary of a number of influ- 
ential journals give the lynching record every year. This 
record, easily within the reach of every one who wants it, 
makes inexcusable the statement and cruelly unwarranted the 
assumption that negroes are lynched only because of their 
assaults upon womanhood. 

For an example in point: For fifteen years past, on the 
first day of each year, the Chicago Tri bune has given to the 
public a carefully compiled record of*~all the lynchings of 
the previous year. Space will not permit a resume of these 
fifteen years, but as fairly representing the entire time, I 
desire to briefly tabulate here the record of the five years 
long past. The statistics of the ten years preceding do not 
vary, they simply emphasize the record here presented. 

The record gives the name and nationality of the man or 
woman lynched, the alleged crime, the time and place of the 
lynching. With this is given a resume of the offenses charged, 
with the number of persons lynched for the offenses named. 
That enables the reader to see at a glance the causes assigned 
for the lynchings and leaves nothing to be assumed. The lynch- 
ers, at the time and place of the lynching, are the best auth- 
ority for the causes which actuate them. Every presumption is 
in favor of this record, especially as it remains absolutely 
unimpeached. This record gives the following statement of the 
colored persons lynched and the causes of the lynchings for the 
years named: 


Murder 24 

Attempted murder. . 4 

Rape 31 

Incediarism .... 2 

No cause 2 

Alleged rape. ... 2 

Cattle stealing . . 1 

Miscegenation ... 2 

Attempted rap?. . . 4 

Murderous assault . 1 

Murder 55 

Attempted rape. . . 8 

Mistaken identity . 1 

Arson 3 

Murderous assault , 2 

Running quarantine. 1 

Burglary 1 

Bad reputation. . . 1 

Unknown offense . . 3 

Killing white cap . 1 

Attempted murder. . 1 


Arson, 2 

Assault 3 

Unknown . . . . 1 

Slapping a child . . 1 

Scooting at officer. 1 

Threacs . . . . , . . 1 
Passing counterfeit 

money 1 

Theft 1 

Alleged murder ... 2 

Writing insulting 1 


Cattle Thief .... 1 

Felony ....... 1 

Train wrecking ... 1 
Rape . . . . " ... 22 

Race prejudice ... 1 

Alleged irson. ... 1 

Robbery 6 

Assault 2 

Disobeying F*.:d. regu- 
lations 1 

teont . ) 

Insulting white woman , L 

Suspected arson , . . . 1 

Giving evidence .... 2 
Refusing to give 

evidence 1 

Murder 42 

Rape 14 

Attempted rape 7 

Complicity in rape, . . 3 
Highway robbery . , . . 1 

Burglary 1 

Mistaken identity . . . 1 

Arson 1 

Murderous assault . . , 1 

Murder 25 

Robbery 6 

Inflammatory Lang- 
uage 1 

Desperado 1 

Complicity in murder. . 1 

Rape 11 

Attempted rape 8 


Rape, ...... 

Attempted assault 
Race prejudice. . 
Plot to kill whites 
Suspected robbery 
Givin«» testimony. 
Attacking wr: t-* men 
Attempted mur^r. 
Threat^ to ki '• 1 . 
Suspec 'led mur'.'.er. 
Unknown offenre . 








Theit, 2 

Elopement: 1 

Concealing murderer. 1 

Theft 6 

Miscegenation .... 1 
Unknown offense ... 2 
Violation of contract . 1 

Insults .2 

Race prejudice, ... 3 
Resisting arrest . ♦ 1 
Suspected murder , ,13 
Assaults upon whites 4 


Unknown offense . . 
Resisting ai*rest . 
Mistaken identity. 
Aiding escape of 
murderer , , . . 

Mo offense , . 


Suspicion ol a^s 
Aiding escape c; 

murderer. . 
Unpopularity , 
Making threats 
huorner . . 
Robberv. . . . 
Burglary , . . 
Assault. . . , 


With this record in view there should be no i- 
in ascertaining the alleged offenses fU'-en .:s y... r : 
for lynching s d ,1t *ing ihe La.*t Live years. if the 
citizens lynch negroes because *":hat i.t> tne en: y 
method of dealing with a cer*aln ela^s of c iw i , 

.;.;::. aity 

I ■■ t nation 
: -'ji- tr. err» 
access ful 
' „ n e n 1 1 1 -" t 

class of crimes should be shown unmistakably by this record. 
Now consider the record. 

It would be supposed that, the record would show that all, 
or nearly all, lynchings were caused by outrageous assaults 
upon women; certainly that this particular offense would out- 
number all other causes for putting human beings to death 
without a trial by jury and the other safeguards of our 
Constitution and laws. 

But the record makes no such disclosure. Instead, it 
shows that five women have been lynched, put to death with 
unspeakable savagery, during the past five years. They 
certainly were not under the ban of the outlawing crime. 
It shows that men, not a few, but hundreds, have been lynched 
for misdeameanors , while others have suffered deauh for no 
offense known to the law, the causes assigned being "mistaken 
identity," "insult," "bad reputation," "unpopularity," 
"violating contract," "running quarantine," "giving evidence," 
"frightening child by shooting at rabbits," etc. Then, 
strangest of all, the record shows that the sum t ?tal of 
lynchings for these offenses - no crimes - and for the 
alleged offenses which are only misdemeanors, greatly exceeds 
the lynchings for the very crime universally declared to be 
the cause of lynching. 

A careful classification of the offenses which have 
caused lynchings during the past five years shows thnt con- 
tempt for law and race prejudice constitute the real cause 
of all lynching. During the past five years 14" 7 -.iivte persons 
were lynched, "it may be argued that fear of the "law's delays" 
was the cause of their being lynched. but this i? not true. 
Not a single white victim of the mob was wor- It h\ -_,r wad friends 
of influence to cause a miscarriage of justice. There was no 
such possibility - it was contempt for Lai* which J.i-jled the 
mob to put so many white men ro death without a c-nnpiuint 
under oath, much less a trial , 

In the case of the negroes lynched the mobs ' incentive 
was race prejudice. Few white men ^erc 1 yncheci p '-r <ny such 
trivial offenses as are detailed in the causes 1*01* 1 inching 
colored m--n. Negroes are lynched for "violating ^ui. r»cts," 
"unpopularity," "testifying in court" ' nd "shoot ir-:; .-■r rabbits. 
As only negroes are lynched for "no offense," "ua!;n^wu of revise, 
offenses not: criminal, misdeameanors and crimes mt ^oith!.. it 
must be admitted that the real cause of lynching in ,<j. i^ such 
cases is race prejudice, and should be so classified. Group- 
ing these lynchings under that, classification and coxuding 
rape, which' in some States is made a capital offense, the 
record for the five years, so far as ':he ne-rro is -J-^rncd, 
reads as follows: 







































This Table tells its own story, and .shows how false is 
the excuse which lynchers offer to justify their f iendishness . 
Instead of being the sole cause of lynching, the crime upon 
which lynchers build their defense furnishes the least victims 
for the mob. In 1896 less than thirty-nine per cent of the 
negroes lynched were charged with this crime; in 1897, less 
than eighteen per cent; in 1898, less than sixteen per cent, 
and in 1900, less than fifteen per cent were so charged. 

No good result can come from any investigation which 
refuses to consider the facts. A conclusion that is based 
upon a presumption, instead of the best evidence. Is unworthy 
of a moment's consideration. The lynching record, as it is 
compiled from day to day by unbiased, reliable and responsible 
public journals, should be the basis of every investigation 
which seeks to discover the cause and suggest thr» remedy for 
lynching. The excuses of lynchers and the specious pleas of 
their apologists should be considered in the light of the 
record, whi a they invariably "ni;;represent or Ignore. The 
Christian end moral forces of th ; nation should insist that 
misrepresr tat ion should have no place in the discussion of 
this all important question, that the figures cf the* lynching 
record should be allowed to plead, trumr. et congued, in defense 
of the slandered de^J, that the silence of be 
broken and that truth, swift-winged ar.d courageous, summon 
this nation to do its duty to exalt justice mri prosfrvo 
inviolate the ^ac redness of numan life. 


Reference Notes 

1) Ida B. Wells, Crusad e fo r Justice , ed . Alfreda M. 
Duster, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 259. 

2) Christopher Lasch, ed. , The Social Thought of Jane 
Addams (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, FV6 5) , p. xv. 

3) The influence of John Dewey and William Jones is 

evident. See, for example, Jane Addams, "A Function of the 
Social Settlement," Annals of the Ameri can Academy oi Political 
and Social Scie nce, X1I1 (May, 1899), pp. 323-324'. James was — 
enthusiastic about Addams' work, and wrote to her shortly 
after the publication of Democracy and Social Eth i cs (1902). 
See, Lasch, ed. , Social Thought , op. cit . ? p', 62. 

4) Addams, "Function of the Social Settlement," on. cit», 
p. 342. ~ ! - 

5) Jane Addams, Democracy a nd Social Ethic s (New York: 
The Macmillan Co., 1902), p. IT. 

6) Jane Addams, "The Subjective Necessity for Social 
Settlements," In Jane Addams, et a^. , Pn ilanthrop-- an a Social 
Progress (1893; rpt ; Freeport , "TTe^YorVT: Books Tor'Tlbraries 
Press, 1969), p. 2. 

7) Benjamin P. Dewitt, The Prog re ssi ve Movem ent, A ^on- 
Partisan Comprehen sive Discuss ion or Current Tendo r.o 1 cTTrT 
American Politic s (New York, F513) , p. 85^ Quoted" by ~ Jo En C. 
Farrell, Belov"ea f ~I,ady : A His to ry o f Jane Addams' Ideas on 
Reform and Peace (Baltimore: PHe John Hbokins Press' 1967 ) , 
p. 131. 


8) Jane Addams, "The Progressive P.^cy and the Lve^ro, 
The Crisis , V (November, 1912), pp. 30-31.' 

9) See, for example, Addams' comments op. HI ..irk woman and 
the Black family in Jane Addams. A New C onsc I cr.e e snd ?,n 
Ancient Ev il (New York: The Macmillan "Cc. , HHT) "pp" '"TT8-119; 
and Jane Acffams , The Second _Tw e n ty Ye a rs at Hi 1 1 i_^'£n] s_c (1930) 
reprinted by La s ch , e cT. ~ S o c 1 aT~ Th o ugh~t , op, cTt . ,' pp." 206-207 
Also, see Addams' comments on the incompetence, a?* *:r;o calls 
it, of dome-tic workers, ia Jane Addams, Democracy and Social 
Ethics , op_. cit ♦ , pp. 11 L-112. Her description ol cl n.eTtT?" 
workers is much improved in Addams, A New Con s c 5 cm re .... 
on. cit., op. J 68-1 69- " ~ 

V ' 


10) Mary Church Terrell , A Colored Wo man in a White World 
(Washington, D.C.: Ransdeil, Tnc . , TWT) p. 153. 

il) Weils, Crusade , op. cit . , pp. 274-278. 

12) See, Letter from Ida B. Wells to W.E.B. Du Bois, 

May 30, 1903 in Herbert Aptheker, ed., The Correspondence 
of W.E.B. Du Bois , Vol. I: Selections, TB77^19 34 (Amherst: 
University of Massachusetts Press, 1973) , pfK 55-56. Wells 
mentions that she "lunched with Jane Addams at Hull House 
Wednesday and found that she too was disappointed at not 
seeing you when she was in Atlanta recently." Du Bois 1 study 
°^ The Philadelphia Negro was jointly sponsored by the 
University of Pennsylvania and the College Settlement House 
of Philadelphia. See, Herbert Aptheker, "Introduction," to 
W.E.B. Du Bois, The Philadelph ia Negro (1899; rpt.; Millwood, 
New York: Kraus-Thomson Organization, Ltd., 1973), pp. 6-7; 
and, Herbert Aptheker, Annotated Bibl iogr aphy of the Published 
Writings of W.E.B, Du Bois (NflTTwood, New York: Kraus-Thomson 
Ltd. , 1973) , p. 550. mTTois lectured at Hull House on 
February 12, 1907. His speech, "Abraham Lincoln," was pub- 
lished in Voice of the Negro , IV, (June, 1907), pp. 242-247. 

13) Wells, Crusade , op. cit., pp. 321-322. 

14) For a discussion of the struggle to establish this 
National Race Commission, sec, Charles Flint Kellogg, NA ACP , 
A History o f the National Assoc! at i on for the Ad v 3 ne e me n ■: of 
Colored~ PiopTe7~v r ol. I: l o U^I9Y0~T-]al tl mo re"; "John Hopkins 
University FLess, 1967), pp. T"53 165. 

io reference 

to the race issue and Adda uv? ' p. a •* 1 v a nd cjnri s r^u': -\-.- i "■ rights 

16) For a discussion of ' hi*; perioi, i..h..3._ Pu Bois, 
Black Reconstruct i c n 1 n Am e r i c n .. An Z s s a / Tc wa , ■ u _ :; r : ij. i ' o r y of 
t he Part W hich ?, lac I Tl^nr~^ raVc~l^^ t ~ T o ? •j'c o » ^"truc't 

Pern o c r a c y I n Am "v r 1 ca , I o 6 -TOS7T ' TT9 3 5 ; rj "i t . : "-'JjvJ ' Yo'rll : " xu s s 'j IT 
fi Russell ; 1963) , especially pp. SS0-729; Lay ford W. Logan, 
The Betra y a to f t h e Neg r o , F r o n Ruth or tor J Z . JJa y e s t '• Wo o d r cw 
W Llson TN e w Yo ? TT: "Collie iT'Bo & FIT J ^ C7b } , !-ferb*M~t" " rip "."FT: r ™rT~ 
! r America n 1 mpe r i g 1 i sm and Wh i t e Ch an v i n i . : ™ , ! in I- ;. <-■ ■ v_i.' p-- 
A in e r i can H I stor v , The Mod q-tu S ■". r : ( £ e w York: . : 1 1 a ^' c 1 P 7 e" "s , 
r, "'7TT, pp. i^T.'a. 

17) Jamas Elbert Cutler, L y . »ch Law . \n I m e ^ 1 i g a t i on Into 
the History of Lynching In the" unite'd States (New York: Longmans, 
Green & Co. , 1903),' p." 161. 

18) Walter White, "A Statement of Fact [on lynching], " in 
Herbert Aptheker, ed., A_ Documentary H istory of the Negro 
People in the United St ates" , Vol II: / r o m t n e Erne r g en c e of 

Foe NAACP to th~e Begin ning o f the NevTDeal , 1 9 HCTlHTTSe caucus, 
New Jersey: Citadel Press, IT7TT, pp. 610-611. 

19) Ida B. Wells, A Re d Record (1895; rpt- ; New York: 
Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969), p. 8. 

20) Mary Church Terrell, "Lynching From a Negro's Point of 
View," North. American Review , CLXXVII (June, 1904), p. 852. 

21 ) The Independent began as a Congregationalist journal 

in December, 1848"t By the end of the century it was nonsectarian, 
although its religious origins continued to influence its 
editorial policies. T he Inde pendent was an abolit-ovn st , pro- 
Republican paper. and"3uring "tKe Civil War years it was 
edited by Henry Ward Leecher, ana enjoyed a circulation of 
35,000. After the War its circulation declined. 3y 1901 it 
probably reached only ten thousand readers, "bur 'n spite ot 
these handicaps [in] circular ion growth . . . Tie independent 
maintained an import an" position among American periodical sT 77 
By 1916 it had a circulation of 60,000 and had artorbed the 
Ch autauquan ( 1 9 1 4 ^ and Ha r pa r J_s_W<_» ek I v (1916). Se e > ^ Frank 
Luther Mott , A F\ ■■; torv of A.n.Iri ■: a n" Mc-..^ a?ines , Vo \ . II : 18 4 5-i 86 3 
(1938; rpt.; UaHiD rT3ge": ~Ha r 7a r<r ' n ivetrityTress-, 1 1 5 7 ) . pp . 

22) Jane Ac J ax s, "P^spec* for Law," Th-Ju;i dependent, LI 1 1 
January 3, 19CI;, r- . 19. 

23) P^id., ). 19. 

24) Ibid. t m. IS. 

25) T-;Jd. , r,. 20. 

26) Tda D. l-v : .is-Barne!-i , "Lynch ins and Che Excu.--e 6c r 
It," The ln depenGYrit, LIJT 'i-ay L>, 19wl) p. L 1 . V- Wt'iis 

wa s marri cd' t o tT?'e " 3 i ;i c k a 1 1 o me y , Fe r d i n a n J ! . Ba r vk, 1 1 , an ■ 1 
sometimes used his name as well as *»er ovn. 

27) rbid.. , pp. U3S-n:. r, . 


v l 

28) An excellent account of this lynching was written 
by David M. Tucker, "Miss Ida B. Wells and the Memphis 
Lynching/' Phylon , XXXII (Summer, 1971), pp. 112-122. 

29) Ida B. Wells, Southern Heroes. Lynch Law In All Its 
Phases (1892; rpt.; New York: Arno Press and the New York Time s, 
1969),' p. 4. 

30) Ibid . , p. 5. 

31) Alexander Crummell, "The Black Woman of the South," 
in his Africa and America, Addresses and Discours es, (1891; 
rpt.; Miami: Mnemosyne Publishing Co., 1969), p. o4. See, 
also, Angela Y, Davis, "Reflections on the Black Woman's Role 
in the Community of Slaves," Th e Black Schol ar, III f December, 
1971), pp. 3-15; and W.E.B. Du Bois, "iHe Damnation ot Women," 
in W.E.B. Du Bois, Darkwater, V oices From Within th e Veil 
(1920; rpt.; New York: SchockirTBooks, 1969), pp. 163-186. 

32) See, Gerda Lerner, ed, s Black Wom^ n in Wh ite 

America, A Do cument ary History ( N ew Y c rYF~r a n t h e o h Books, 1972), 

pp. 193-m . ~ 

33) This is a prominent theme in Afro-American history, 
and will be found in the wocks of W.E.3. Du Bois. i-U 3. Wells 
and Mary Church Terrell, for example, *nd in the vritings and 
speeches of Frederick Douglass and Sojourner Trujh, \n the 
19th century. See, Bettina Aptheker, "W - V. B. Du >\-:i3 md the 
Struggle for Woman's Rights: 1910-1920," San Jorc ftiidies, I 
(May, 1975), pn. 7-16; and, Pettina A-H>eVcr. "Bl h ■-,< Tv.-men m 
the Fight frr Women's Rights " Political Aifair-., Lx/ -'February, 
1976) pp. 42-53. 

34) John Hope Franklin, "Foreword , " To Weils, , 
op. cit . , p. x. 

33) In 1917 Representor: ve 'oonidns C Oyer '\-.o- Missouri 
introduced anti-lynchi np, lei 's'ation I;- (^F . Th-? Tjyer 
3 i 1 1 f ina 1 ly parsed the Hou,, •:; in 1934 b-.t .-. ? s f : . J l nt u- f. er ed 
to death in the Senate. 

36; Michael ^-itsier, Cr^l _^^V^ij^\^^T^Jy<iiy£me^^^ 
Court a n d Capita ... Puni rfr men V"; i. Tt e w Y o ;• k ' K i ncH n,\ ■■ ! • ■■ i : j e , -19 .' 3 ) , 
n. 74. '. 

37) See, Lasch, ed,, Social Thought , on. cit . ; and , 
Emily Cooper Johnson, ed., Jane Ad dams, A C entennial Reader 
(New York: Macmillan Co., 1960H The Biographer who included 
significant reference to Addams ' antl-lynching, pro-civil 
rights views was Allen F. Davis, Amer ic an Heroine. The Life 
arid Legend of Jane Addams (New York; "Oxford University Press, 
1973) , pp. 129-130. A "good discussion of Addams 1 role in the 
civil rights struggle at the 1912 Progressive Party convention 
will be found in Daniel Levine , Jane Addams an d the Liberal 
T radition (Madison: State Historical Society of. Wisconsin, 
1971) , pp. -192-194. 


» '■ 


Addams, Jane* "The Subjective Necessity for Social 

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"A Function of the Social Settlement." Annals 
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"Respect for Law," The Independent , LIII 

(January 3, 1901) 18-20. 

. Democracy and Social Ethics . New York: The 

Macmiilan Co., 1902. "" 

♦ Newer Ideals of Peace . New York: The 
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_______ * The S P i ri l of Y o uth a nd the City Street s . 

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. Twenty Years a t Hull H ouse . New York: The 

Macmiilan Co., IS 10. 

A New Con sci ence and an Anci ert Evil, New 
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__ . "A Modern Lear." Survey > XX «v November 2, 

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___ . "Has The £ma a v_ *'. p a tic r ■ A c L > J e : ■: K S\ J i f i e d By 

National IndiC Cerence-V" the; Survy;, XXI". Tel :uar" 1, 
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. "The K e vo 1 1 • $.■;;• > n fa t W, .r . ' : : v Pa ct; .-& ■ e 

Continuing the War." "'Wyru.n in Internet Lcn-jl i >..n. " 

Women at t he Ha g u 3 : T I \l t t; C c r na 1 1 .""na i Co 1 if, rej s and 
Its Resu lts . Ne w" ~Y o r k : ~Tn e Ma cm j il a ; \ J i > ! ~ " "TTTT 

_ . The Lo v. iX Ro -? d r • f Worn an 1 s Mem o * y . ? * •.'• v V or k : 

"The Macmiilan C6T~ T9TT. " " ""*" 

Peace ecd £>* ead in lime of \ar, ;-it ^ V^rk: Ths 

MacmiTTan Co;, 19_27 


^ . The Excel lent Becomes the Permanen t. New 

York: The Macmillan Co., FTS2. 

. My Friend, Julia ha throp. New York: The 
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Wells, Ida B. Southern Horrors. Lynch Law I n All Its Phases. 
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____^ , ed. The Reason Wh y the Colored American Is 

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Published By the Author, 1893. 

A Red Record, Tabula ted Statistics and Alleged 
Causes of L y nching i n the VhTted States, 1892 -1894. 
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"Lynch Law in America," Arena. XXTTI (January, 
1900), 15-24. ' 

. "The Negro's Cnir-c in Equity," The Inde pendent , 
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. Mob Rule iii New Orleans. i.900; rpt. New York: 
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. " i. vnc h i Mg a r -c! •: h e ! x c an e c o : * ;'. t . " 7 h e T r.dependent . 

LIII (May 16, 1901), 1133- J 135. ' " 

. "looker T. Wash, «o: on and His Celtics." The 
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^^_^ . "Lynching, Our J;-cional Crime." Ir oce e dingF . 

of the Nat ioi ia1. N ^ro C oi i_i c r e n c e , N aw Y o rk , "Hay" Til- 
June 1, L909; rpt. New York: Arno Press and the New 
York Tim es, 1969, 174-!7«. 

. Crusade for Just_U e, ed. Alfreda M. ^urtcr. 
Chicago: University of Chicago fress, 19/0. 

Edwards, Alison. Rape, Racism arid the White W omen's Movement: 
An Answer t o Susan Brownmill erT Chicago: Sojourner 
Truth Organization , 1976. 

Griffin, Susan, Rape, The Power of Consciousnes s. San 
Francisco: Harper and Row, 197*), 


story of the white women's movement between 1930 and 1942 
called the Association of Southern Women for the 
Prevention of Lynching. 

Herman, Dianne. "The Rape Culture." in Jo Freeman, ed . 

Women: A Feminist Perspective . Palo Alto: Mayfield 
Publishers, 19/9, Second edition. 

Jackson, Jacquelyn Johnson. "Black Women in a Racist Society." 
in Charles V. Willie, et al . , eds. Racism and Mental 
Heal th. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973. 

Jordan, June. Civil Wars. New York: Ha r court, Brace & 
Jovanovich, 1981. 

Ladner, Joyce. T or. or^ow ' g T omo r r ow . The B 1 a c k W oman . Garden 
City, New Y<f..: Doub 1 oo* a y , Anc ho r , TT'TT. 

Lederer, Laura, ed. Take Bac k the Might. Women on P ornography . 
New York: William Morrow and Co 7, 1*)50. 

Lewis, Diane. '■ \ Response to Inequality: Black Women, Racism 
and Sexism. 1 Signs , ! Li (Winter, 1977), p.?. -> 3 9- 361, 

Lorde, Andre. " he Erotic nu Power." Ch rysali r- . "<>. <?, Fall, 
1979, pp. 2 '-32. 

Rich, Adrienn a. On Lies . S >cr ot s an i Sllor.ce, Mow York: 
W.W. Nor.; on, 1978'.' 

Sha n<* e , I".- >.. For Colo red Girls Wh < > _H a\ e Con l Ui -j r e d Suicide 
°When the ;<a inpo w" Is ..gnuJT* "~^cw"YoTV:~ I-i^cmiTl.:-"-. Publishing. 

Thompson, Mildred. "Ida B. Wells- Barn- tt ; An Exp- oratory 

S t ud v o f Ar. Amevi can Clock Woma n, '= 8 T- 3»- 1 9 30." Voc t o ra 1 
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walker, Alice, You Can't Keop A Good Woman Down. New York: 
Harper and Row, 1981. This collection contains the 
short story, "Advancing Luna - and Ida B. Wells," cited 
in the introduction. Several of the other stories also 
deal with violence against women. 

Williams, Lynor a. "Violence Against Women." The Black 
Scholar . January-February, 1981. pp. 35-57. 

Zangrando, Robert L. The NAACP Crusade Against Lynching , 

1909-1950. Philadelphia: Temple "University PRess, 1980 

I. '• 



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